What is forcing Vučić to step down as Serbia's president and what he is planning next

Aleksandar Vučić will soon step down as President of Serbia.

He made the announcement on 27 June at a large pro-government rally in Belgrade held on the eve of Vidovdan, one of the most important and symbolic religious and national holidays for Serbs.

At the same time, Vučić declared that he intends to become prime minister.

Read more about the political reshuffle and the strategy behind it in the article by Yurii Panchenko, co-founder of European Pravda: "The eternal Vučić" is leaving office: Why Serbia's president is planning snap elections. 

According to Vučić, he "will remain president for a few more weeks", and then he intends to resign.

"They will destroy our country within one or three years, and we must not allow that to happen," Vučić said in explaining his decision to leave the presidency before the end of his term.

The "they" he referred to are participants in Serbia's mass anti-government protests, primarily young people and students.

The demonstrations have continued for a year and a half, sparked by the deadly collapse of a canopy at the railway station in Novi Sad on 1 November 2024, which claimed the lives of 16 people.

The tragedy became a symbol of corruption within Serbia's ruling establishment.

However, domestic protests are not Vučić's only problem.

For years, he was shielded from significant pressure by the European Union thanks to Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán. That is why the change of government in Hungary became extremely bad news for Vučić.

In essence, Orbán's defeat accelerated Vučić's plans for a transfer of power.

The first sign came when the European Commission decided to penalise Serbia over its controversial judicial reform by freezing funds allocated under the EU Growth Plan.

But Belgrade's difficulties may not end there. Within the EU, calls are growing louder for stronger pressure on Serbia, particularly to compel it to align with the Union's common foreign and security policy.

There is little doubt that after Vučić resigns, parliamentary speaker Ana Brnabić, who will serve as acting president, will promptly nominate him as Serbia's next prime minister. The government's loyal parliamentary majority is expected to approve the appointment without difficulty.

The more uncertain question is whether the ruling camp's candidate can win the snap presidential election.

An opposition victory is entirely possible and could breathe new life into the protest movement.

Vučić's allies, however, are counting on what they see as their strongest political asset: the successful hosting of EXPO 2027, which is set to be held from 15 May to 15 August 2027.

The Serbian government hopes that a successful world exhibition will boost public support, making it likely that parliamentary elections will be held immediately after EXPO concludes.

Finally, Vučić's announcement that he intends to contest the next parliamentary elections as part of the "United Serbia" coalition is also significant.

If the coalition wins, the next government will be a coalition cabinet, allowing Vučić to redirect at least part of the criticism from Brussels towards his coalition partners rather than bearing it alone.

At first glance, the strategy appears coherent and politically rational.

However, its implementation could face a number of unexpected risks.