Long-reads

These documents have not been made public, but we are convinced that the public has the right to know what the main tasks for Ukraine on its path to EU membership are…

For the first time, the EU has included the requirement for this reform in the list of priorities for Ukraine. Moreover, the European Union should consider including the reform of the bar in the mechanisms for conditional financial support...

Marco Rubio's speech in Munich demonstrated a shift in US rhetoric. Was Rubio signaling a change? On the contrary.

Bert Koenders: "There is an increasing feeling that the United States is leaving Europe. But one thing is certain: after Greenland, trust cannot easily be regained."

France's far left is not the favourite for the Élysée in 2027. But it can shape parliamentary majorities and coalition red lines.

The option of "geopolitical accession" for Ukraine runs contrary to EU rules, but it is being taken seriously, and discussions on a creative approach are already underway...

Arguments about the "impossibility" of restricting cooperation with Russia are unconvincing when assessed in the context of war, sanctions and security risks.

The price for US engagement is becoming unattainable for both Europe and Ukraine. The era of American security guarantor may be over.

We signed truly the first of its kind – a 100 Year Partnership between our two countries. What this means.

In Moldova, political movements that openly aim to dismantle the country’s statehood are operating within the law. TBecause of this, while working towards EU integration, Sandu has developed a Plan B: "Either we move towards the EU, or we move towards Romania."

Peaceful Europe is not being hit where it traditionally believed itself strongest, but where it had grown used to expecting no blow at all: critical infrastructure.

What do these changes mean for the global order? How will Russia’s actions change as a result? What mistakes has the Trump administration made?

The formal implementation by Ukraine of individual recommendations, without a coherent institutional vision, is unlikely to deliver the expected results.

The most serious risk, however, is that Russia has gained a new negotiating "card" as a result of this prolonged process. It is entirely plausible that, in a few years, the same Kirill Dmitriev could approach the EU with a proposal to "repay" this loan directly in exchange for the lifting of sanctions.

The real question is not whether Ukraine has the capacity to win, but whether that is what we want. Ukraine's victory is unequivocally in Europe's interest.

The establishment of the Compensation Commission, as well as the earlier creation of the Register of Damage, represents a major achievement of Ukrainian diplomacy. However, no such commission can be considered fully successful without adequate funding for the payment of compensation.

Alexander Lukashenko has moved to release his "most valuable" hostages, receiving in return the lifting of US sanctions on Belarusian potash.

As of today, the responsibility for EU accession lies solely with Ukraine. Whether the parliament, the president and the government can implement the necessary reforms is now entirely up to them.