How Kosovo is emerging from its political crisis and how local elections contributed to it
On 12 October, the Republic of Kosovo held its fifth local elections since declaring independence.
Just two days before the vote, the work of the parliament was finally unblocked. A deputy speaker representing Serbian MPs was elected eight months after the parliamentary elections. Only one day before the local elections, President Vjosa Osmani tasked Prime Minister Albin Kurti (leader of the ruling Vetëvendosje or Self-Determination party) with forming a new government.
Read more about how these local elections signaled Kosovo’s gradual exit from political crisis in the article by Western Balkans expert Volodymyr Tsybulnyk: Kosovo votes its way out of crisis: why local elections became a chance for understanding.
The main focus of the local elections was on northern Kosovo, where tensions between the Serbian community and local authorities had remained high following unprecedented election boycotts.
This time, however, Serbian representatives did not boycott the vote.
The Serb List (Srpska Lista), a party directly linked to Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić, won in 9 out of 10 Serb-majority municipalities.
This success was made possible thanks to Belgrade’s financial and organisational support, as well as strong party discipline.
Serbian politicians privately hailed the victory as a "return of the Serb community in Kosovo to political life."
At the same time, it effectively acknowledged that the previous policy of boycotting Kosovo’s political institutions had been a mistake.
Most likely, Kosovo’s Prime Minister Albin Kurti will now have to temper his youthful radicalism and agree to the creation of the Association of Serb Municipalities (ASM) as both domestic and international actors (including Albania, the US and the EU) have grown weary of his refusal to compromise on this sensitive issue.
International stakeholders continue to insist that Pristina must honour international agreements, above all the commitments to establish the ASM under the bilateral accords signed in Brussels (2013) and Ohrid (2023).
Kurti has long resisted the creation of the Association, seeing it as a threat to Kosovo’s security and territorial integrity.
However, continuing this course could lead to reduced financial and economic aid and further international isolation for Kosovo.
At the same time, the return of Serbs to local governance opens a window of opportunity for constructive cooperation with central authorities and reduces the risk of new institutional blockades.
Another key outcome of the elections was that Kosovars expressed dissatisfaction with the ruling Vetëvendosje movement. Its candidates won in only three municipalities, while opposition parties prevailed in eight.
Of course, a second round will follow, with 17 mayoral seats still to be contested so much may still change.
Nevertheless, it is already clear that the capital, Pristina, poses the biggest challenge for Kurti and his party. The results there will serve as a test of his ability to build a parliamentary majority.
It is likely that Kurti will have to form a multiparty coalition government and seek parliamentary allies, as Vetëvendosje also failed to secure a majority in the national elections.
The increase in opposition mayors, however, could foster broader domestic political dialogue, strengthening the legitimacy of the central government, improving state institutions both locally and nationally and enhancing accountability to international partners.
Building an effective system of local self-government will also be a crucial step on Kosovo’s path toward EU integration.
Moreover, the democratic conduct and results of these elections will help Kosovo emerge from international isolation, while its civil society continues to grow and mature.