Why Poland wants to change its constitution and who could benefit
On 3 May, Poland marked the 235th anniversary of the Constitution of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth – one of the key symbols of its statehood. On the same day, President Karol Nawrocki launched a new body, the Council for State System Reform, tasked with drafting a new version of the constitution.
The Polish president wants to expand presidential powers, effectively turning the office into the central authority of the state.
Moreover, he hopes to complete this process by 2030, meaning he could run for a second presidential term with a position that carries significantly greater powers.
Read more in the article by international affairs expert Stanislav Zhelikhovskyi and European Pravda co-founder Yurii Panchenko: The Constitution as a weapon: why Poland wants to change its basic law and what consequences it may have.
The Polish president believes that the current constitution, adopted in 1997, contains provisions that lead to recurring political crises. Although presidential powers in Poland are limited, they still allow influence over the government, which is exactly what is happening now.
"Poland is currently in a constitutional moment. I respect the 1997 Constitution and thank its creators. It was necessary. I am and will remain its guardian until the very end – mine or its. But today we need a constitution of a new generation, for 2030," Nawrocki argues.
The current constitution works well when the president is politically aligned with the ruling party, as was the case during most of the presidency of Andrzej Duda.
However, since December 2023, when a government led by Donald Tusk was formed, the situation has changed dramatically. For two and a half years, Poland has been living in conditions of sharp political cohabitation between the government and a president from the opposing political camp.
Nawrocki’s victory in the 2025 presidential election has only intensified this confrontation. Current disputes between the "two palaces" revolve around the judiciary, appointments, foreign policy and veto powers.
Unsurprisingly, the government reacted critically to the initiative. Prime Minister Tusk responded sarcastically, suggesting the president should first "start by complying with the current constitution".
However, regardless of the government’s reaction, it will not be able to stop the work of the newly established Council for State System Reform. This means that as the 2027 parliamentary elections approach, the idea of updating the constitution could have a significant impact on both the course and the outcome of the vote.
For example, the Council includes Julia Przyłębska, whose tenure is associated with controversial judicial reforms during the rule of the Law and Justice party and disputes over judicial independence.
Her presence may be seen by critics as a signal that the constitutional project will have a clear political bias.
But is it even possible to amend Poland’s constitution under current political conditions?
Such changes require a constitutional majority in the Sejm and currently, no political camp has the numbers to achieve this.
However, the situation could change as early as next year. The current right-wing opposition has a strong chance of winning the 2027 parliamentary elections.
With his initiative, Karol Nawrocki has effectively opened a Pandora’s box. The idea that only constitutional change can resolve Poland’s deep political crisis is no longer marginal.
It is therefore possible that this idea could eventually work against its creator and that an alternative solution may emerge: resolving the crisis by significantly reducing presidential powers instead.